Among the findings in this latest review, the federal government is criticized for:
鈥� Failing to launch a comprehensive, nationwide inquiry into missing or murdered aboriginal women;
鈥� Failing to provide adequate funding on and off reserves;
鈥� Failing to improve co-ordination between government and First Nations service providers;
鈥� And most important, pushing ahead on energy projects without securing the approval of native groups in the regions affected.
Setting aside for a moment the merit of these complaints, it must be said the prime minister and his colleagues invite censure. In particular, the government鈥檚 stubborn refusal to appoint a missing-women inquiry is hard to fathom.
Why leave an open sore of this magnitude unattended? There is no issue of ideology or politics here. Federal and provincial governments of all political stripes have a share in the blame.
The report is not entirely negative. The UN envoy who produced it, James Anaya, commends the recent creation of sa国际传媒鈥檚 first aboriginal health authority. Likewise, he acknowledges that sa国际传媒 was one of the first countries to formalize the rights of indigenous peoples.
Unfortunately, when it comes to resource management, Anaya misses an opportunity to provide a valuable service.
He lists more than 20 major projects across the country that are either opposed by, or a subject of controversy with, aboriginal groups.
They include the Northern Gateway pipeline from Alberta to Kitimat, twinning of the Kinder Morgan pipeline from Edmonton to the Port of Vancouver, three hydroelectric dams, among them sa国际传媒 Hydro鈥檚 Site C dam on the Peace River, several mines, various forestry operations and the Athabasca oilsands venture.
In every instance, deep divides and escalating rhetoric separate the opposing views. Here if anywhere, a calming voice was needed.
Anaya begins on solid ground when he notes the federal government has done a poor job of consulting with First Nations. Too often, the process of dialogue is left to private corporations. This creates an atmosphere of suspicion and distrust in the native community.
But Anaya goes further, and recommends that resource projects should proceed only if they have the 鈥渇ree, prior and informed consent of the indigenous peoples concerned.鈥� This is, he says, in accordance with sa国际传媒鈥檚 constitution.
Yet the Supreme Court has ruled there is no such provision. Consultation is definitely mandated, but further than that the court has not gone.
A solution must be found here, but there are 250 First Nations in sa国际传媒 and Alberta alone. Granting so far-reaching a veto would tie up for years, if not indefinitely, projects vital to the country鈥檚 future.
The ventures in question represent a major portion of the planned development of sa国际传媒鈥檚 economy. Energy is now our No. 1 export, surpassing motor vehicles, textiles and agricultural products.
Since the 2008 recession, natural-resource extraction has become sa国际传媒鈥檚 main engine of growth. Millions of working-class families rely on it for their livelihood.
The maintenance of essential public services is also at stake. Alberta derives 35 per cent of its revenues from resource industries, Saskatchewan around 20 per cent. sa国际传媒 collects $3 billion from oil and natural-gas production 鈥� enough to pay for child-care services and social assistance with some left over.
These funds cannot be replaced with revenue from other sources. Anaya is American. His country enjoys the good fortune of having a broad, diversified economy. sa国际传媒鈥檚 is narrower.
Difficult negotiations lie ahead, on pipelines, dams and mines. It will take wisdom and co-operation to get through them.
None of the parties 鈥� on either side 鈥� should believe they have a veto. Our country doesn鈥檛 work that way.
