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Overturning Roe v. Wade isn't the end for abortion opponents

Now that Roe v.
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FILE - Anti-abortion supporters react as Angela Minter, president of Sisters for Life, speaks at a rally as the Indiana Senate Rules Committee met to consider a Republican proposal to ban nearly all abortions in the state during a hearing at the Statehouse in Indianapolis, on July 26, 2022. Anti-abortion groups are looking to the courts, lawmakers and elections to facilitate more abortion restrictions and bans after a landmark U.S. Supreme Court ruling in June left the issue up to states. (AP Photo/Michael Conroy, File)

Now that Roe v. Wade has been toppled, abortion opponents are taking a multifaceted approach in their quest to end abortions nationwide, targeting their strategies to the dynamics of each state as they attempt to create new laws and defend bans in courts.

One anti-abortion group has proposed model legislation that would ban all abortions except to prevent the death of a pregnant woman. New legal frontiers could include prosecuting doctors who defy bans, and skirmishes over access to medication abortions already are underway. Others hope to get more conservatives elected in November to advance an anti-abortion agenda.

鈥淔or Republicans, the post-Roe world will be significantly different, from a legal perspective,鈥 said Jonathan Turley, a professor at George Washington University Law School. 鈥淔or the last 50 years, Republicans have been on the offense by chipping away on the edges of Roe. Now they are going to be playing defense in all 50 states.鈥

said abortion is not a right under the Constitution, creating an opening for states pushing to get more restrictions on the books. Most recently, and have pushed ahead with new restrictions, with varying success.

James Bopp Jr., general counsel for National Right to Life, has worked on model legislation for states, but said with few legislatures in session 鈥渢he process of adopting new laws is really just beginning.鈥

It recommends banning all abortions except to prevent the death of a pregnant woman, though it provides language for states that want to make exceptions in cases of rape or incest. It also recommends criminal penalties for any person, including a doctor, who knowingly or intentionally causes or aids an 鈥渦nlawful abortion.鈥

The model law would not criminalize a woman who gets an abortion.

A memo attached to the model language suggests anyone who aids and abets or conspires to cause an 鈥渦nlawful abortion鈥 also could be prosecuted, including those who provide instructions on how to self-administer or get an abortion deemed unlawful under the law. That person would have to know the woman was seeking an abortion and intentionally help her to get one.

鈥淕eneral providing of information is protected by the First Amendment,鈥 Bopp said.

It also has language that allows for prosecution of a person 鈥 other than a pharmacist or drug manufacturer 鈥 who knows a woman plans to use an abortion-inducing drug to cause an unlawful abortion, and intentionally delivers the drug or advertises such a drug for sale.

But in the meantime, Bopp said abortion opponents are looking to November, when they hope to elect anti-abortion candidates who will enact such laws.

With that goal in mind, many conservatives are taking a 鈥渃autious pause鈥 on the abortion issue, according to Larry Jacobs, a politics professor at the University of Minnesota.

鈥淩epublicans have a much better chance of winning competitive races around the country talking about inflation, crime and Joe Biden,鈥 Jacobs said. 鈥淲hen they are talking about abortion, they are doing Democrats a favor.鈥

Conservatives also see new courtroom battles on the horizon.

Jonathan Mitchell, the former Texas solicitor general who is now a private practice attorney, came up with some of the key components of a Texas law that bans abortions after fetal cardiac activity is detected. His innovation was to make violations enforceable through lawsuits filed by citizens, rather than the government.

Mitchell, who represents Texas and South Dakota in abortion lawsuits and has helped lawmakers in multiple states develop abortion bans and restrictions, said future legal fights could center around those who pay for abortions for people living in states with bans that are not being enforced due to court injunctions.

鈥淎bortion is still a criminal offense in every state with a trigger law or pre-Roe ban, regardless of whether a state-court injunction is in effect,鈥 Mitchell said in an email to The Associated Press. He said an injunction doesn鈥檛 actually block a law as many believe, but temporarily keeps it from being enforced.

He said in states such as Utah, Kentucky, Louisiana, or West Virginia are violating the law and could be prosecuted. He said if bans exist but are on hold, abortion providers could be prosecuted retroactively.

鈥淎nd the mere risk of potential lawsuits may be enough to deter abortion providers from offering abortions to out-of-state residents, especially when these lawsuits can be brought,鈥 he wrote, 鈥渘ot only against the physician but everyone else involved.鈥

Melissa Murray, a professor at New York University School of Law, said the question of whether those who pay for out-of-state abortions could be charged is 鈥渦ncharted ground.鈥 Employers and funds could argue they鈥檙e exercising their free speech rights, she said in an email. 鈥淭hat said, a state could argue that (the groups) are facilitating the violation of a criminal law 鈥 essentially, they鈥檙e functioning as accomplices.鈥

The fear of prosecution has already led to victories of sorts for abortion foes; some clinics have shut down over the confusion, reopened, then shut down again. It has also led doctors until it became clear that a fetus was dead or a woman鈥檚 life was at stake.

Erin Hawley, a lawyer at the conservative Alliance Defending Freedom and the wife of Republican U.S. Sen. Josh Hawley of Missouri, expects continuing litigation over medication abortions.

She pointed to a court battle underway in Mississippi, where drugmaker GenBioPro is suing the state over its provisions that make it harder to get a prescription for mifepristone, a drug that can induce abortion. The state's policies are at odds with U.S. Food and Drug Administration regulations, which courts have generally found take precedence over state law.

But Hawley said that might not apply here.

鈥淚t鈥檚 always a big deal for a federal agency or law to trump state law,鈥 Hawley said.

Some states are taking different approaches.

In Louisiana, the State Bond Commission voted last week for a New Orleans sewer and water project to 鈥渟end a message鈥 after city and local officials said they would not enforce that state鈥檚 abortion ban. The law is currently blocked by a court and not enforceable anyway.

in mid-July after the Biden administration issued guidance that stated hospitals are required to provide abortions if necessary to save a mother鈥檚 life.

Next week, Kansas voters will consider . If approved, it could make Kansas the fifth state to declare its constitution doesn鈥檛 grant the right to abortion and would open the door for the Legislature to further restrict or ban abortion.

Bopp said while court battles and midterm elections are the current focus, abortion opponents would eventually like to see federal and state constitutional amendments that would explicitly protect the unborn, though he acknowledged that would be a challenge.

鈥淎 constitutional amendment has been one of our goals. But this requires a hell of a consensus,鈥 he said.

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Find AP鈥檚 full coverage of the overturning of Roe v. Wade at:

Amy Forliti And Geoff Mulvihill, The Associated Press