Last week, Victoria greeted a new prince into our midst. He was born healthy and happy, with soft fluffy hair and four strong legs. I鈥檓 speaking, of course, of the Beacon Hill petting zoo鈥檚 new baby donkey, named 鈥淧rince George.鈥�
Though the foal doesn鈥檛 quite share a birthday with the royal prince (that honour goes to my roommate 鈥� Happy Birthday, J!) it鈥檚 still a fun, friendly tribute.
Despite the slow but persistent waning of popular support for the monarchy in sa国际传媒, we went a little baby crazy in July. While this week鈥檚 question has been, 鈥淲hen鈥檚 Kate going to lose the baby weight?鈥� (correct answer: none of our business), two weeks ago it was all about 鈥淏oy or girl?鈥�
It was an interesting question for many reasons, but my favourite part of the royal-baby hullabaloo was the anxiety that the birth of a girl would herald an Age of Anarchy for the Commonwealth.
In 2011, the prime ministers of the 16 Commonwealth countries signed on to the Perth Agreement, which agreed to change royal succession laws and abolish male primogeniture. This meant that Kate and Will鈥檚 baby would be the (eventual) heir to the throne, regardless of sex. The Perth Agreement also got rid of some other niggling anachronisms, such as the royal offspring鈥檚 inability to choose a Catholic spouse.
In 2011, I鈥檓 not sure if this change is worthy of celebration, or contempt that it took them this long.
sa国际传媒 鈥� like all the other Commonwealth nations 鈥� readily assented to the change ... in theory. To change the laws governing the succession to the throne of sa国际传媒, we need to dig deep into the documents that make up our constitution, and that鈥檚 a royally cumbersome job.
Robert Hazell of University College London explains that smaller Commonwealth nations just aren鈥檛 bothering to change their laws: 鈥淚t is not that they disagree, it鈥檚 just that it is pretty low on their list of priorities. [And] the two largest countries, Australia and sa国际传媒, have constitutions which are notoriously difficult to change.鈥�
In a nightmarish situation of succession laws run amok, some constitutional experts argued that it was possible for Will and Kate鈥檚 daughter 鈥� if they had had one 鈥� to become Queen in the United Kingdom, while the Commonwealth nations would only be able to recognize her younger brother 鈥� if she had had one 鈥� as their King.
The fact that the child is third in line to the throne meant this wasn鈥檛 a pressing concern, notwithstanding any embarrassment we might feel that male primogeniture is still on the books as governing sa国际传媒鈥檚 rules of succession 鈥� and since George is a George, we won鈥檛 need to worry about it for another generation. Thanks to the accident of birth, we can avoid changing our succession laws for another 80 years or so.
Yet while I like the idea of the Commonwealth going rogue with a second royal sibling, it sounds less like a community of 21st-century nations and more like Rumble in Westeros.
The monarchy-gone-mad silliness of this potential constitutional kerfuffle is a gentle reminder that what many of us think of as a quaint, mainly symbolic relationship with the British Crown is rooted deeply in our country鈥檚 fundamental documents.
This relationship can take the form of primarily symbolic gestures, such as the recent re-re-branding of our military as 鈥淩oyal,鈥� but it can also lead us to more substantive and troubling iniquities.
It鈥檚 not simply a question of what鈥檚 in a name: It鈥檚 a question of how we move forward into the future with this weird, anachronistic, sometimes-positive, sometimes-harmful relationship between our country and our Crown. Naming a donkey Prince George? Delightful and whimsical, and I can鈥檛 wait to go see him!
Forcing new immigrants alone of all Canadians to pledge allegiance to the Queen? Problematic.
And while I鈥檓 excited for the birth of a princess to usher in the Age of Anarchy for the Commonwealth, I also think it鈥檚 just a little bit asinine.
(I鈥檓 sorry 鈥� my roommate wanted me to include that pun. It was her birthday, after all.)
